显示标签为“election”的博文。显示所有博文
显示标签为“election”的博文。显示所有博文

2008年3月7日

Russia's unique 'succession democracy'

By WU JIAXIANG
March 07, 2008

WEIHAI, China, Dmitry Medvedev, elected the new president of Russia last Sunday with 70 percent of the vote, was clearly the choice of President Vladimir Putin, who was quick to congratulate him on his victory.

This news somehow reminded me of an interesting story about Russia revealed in the biography of the late British philosopher Bertrand Russell. Russell's grandmother was the wife of the British prime minister toward the end of the tsarist era in Russia, more than 100 years ago.

One day the wife of the prime minister received the Russian ambassador to the United Kingdom in her home. As British parliamentary elections had just concluded, the topic of the elections naturally came up.

"May God bless Russia! Let Russia take the path to parliamentary democracy at an early date," she wished sincerely.

"My honorable Madam, the god Russia believes in may be different from the one the United Kingdom believes in; the god we Russians pray to may not necessarily approve of parliamentary democracy. We pray Russia will not go that way," said the Russian ambassador with smile.

Now more than 100 years have passed. The Russian god has neither helped the country move toward parliamentary democracy as Russell's grandmother wished, nor protected the tsarist state the ambassador prayed for. In fact, a unique Russian democracy has emerged, which I would like to call "succession democracy."

The characteristics of this system can be easily described -- the voters simply choose what the predecessor has chosen. This allows the people to conclude that Medvedev won the election, rather than claiming it as Putin's victory.

One look at a video used in Medvedev's election campaign tells it all -- Putin is holding Medvedev's hand and walking in the snow, like a father taking care of his child. Even if Putin's strong recommendation and support was not the only factor in Medvedev's election, it was certainly the most significant one.

The late Boris Yeltsin, another father-like Russian president, did a similar thing several years ago. Yeltsin actually announced his retirement before the end of his term in office and had Putin assume the throne without going through the election procedure. This colored the selection process of the Russian president and set the tone for "succession democracy."

My purpose is not to analyze the motive behind the behavior of these two retired Russian presidents. What interests me is why the Russian people not only accepted, but apparently appreciated, this kind of arrangement. The answer cannot be found in Russia's despotic or tsarist history.

Russia is one of the biggest countries in the world, and it has a large number of minority ethnic groups. According to my hypothesis, the bigger a country is and the more diverse groups it includes, the stronger the need for stability. As a result, this kind of Russian succession democracy appears to create a balance between freedom and peace as well as authority and stability.

What deserves praise is that the Russian leaders have become more and more confident as the country has built up its economy and recovered its political stability. From Yeltsin's direct succession to Putin's indirect succession, the element of democracy has increased, and that is the merit of this presidential election in Russia. It has removed the shadow of diminishing political freedom.

--

(Wu Jiaxiang is a senior researcher of China Research Center for Public Policy at the China Society of Economic Reform. He is a renowned economic and political scholar and a former visiting scholar at Harvard University's Fairbank Center for East Asian Research. His research areas include economics, domestic and international politics, business strategy, and Chinese traditional strategy and thought. This article is translated and edited from the Chinese by UPI Asia Online; the original can be found at http://blog.sina.com.cn/wujiaxiang and www.ncn.org . ©Copyright Wu Jiaxiang.)

http://www.upiasiaonline.com/Politics/2008/03/07/russias_unique_succession_democracy/3228/

2007年9月15日

One China, two election styles?

YU CHENGYU

DANDONG, Sep. 6

http://www.upiasiaonline.com/politics/2007/09/06/commentary_one_china_two_election_styles/

It is more than half a year before Chinese Taiwan holds its "presidential election," but the candidates of the Democratic Progressive Party and the Kuomintang are already competing on the public stage. DPP candidate Frank Hsieh and KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou frequently appear on public occasions to promote their platforms on how to govern Taiwan, deal with cross-strait relations and ensure the well-being and prosperity of the populace.

The two have to respond to questions from the people. In addition, they reveal each other's shortcomings and try by all means to boost their popularity with the public. This vigorous campaign style reveals that the people truly possess the right to select their political leaders, who are in reality public servants.

In mainland China, it is also transition time for the high-level leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. The Party's 17th National Congress will open in Beijing on Oct. 15, during which a new Standing Committee will be formed. However, such details as the number of committee members, who is leaving and who is joining, are unknown to ordinary Party members, let alone the general public. The candidates' names remain a secret.

The public can do nothing more than ask and spread rumors about who will leave and who will stay on the powerful Standing Committee. The only thing the public knows is that, in a long list of items published as the Party's "guiding ideology," there is one new idea included -- General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Hu Jintao has proposed that the Party adopt a "scientific outlook on development."

At one time, a powerful figure in mainland China described Taiwanese democracy as a "farce." Now, someone else in mainland China says that the politicians in Taiwan are not practicing democracy but playing tricks on the public.

However, what would most mainland Chinese people choose -- if they had a choice -- between the mainland style of keeping everything secret and Taiwan's style of "playing tricks on the public"? I am not sure what the rest of the people would say, but I myself do not prefer the former.

What makes the Chinese people sigh is that apologists for China, in discussing controversial issues, always explain the "national situation" or describe it as being unique because of "Chinese characteristics." Why cannot they apply this theory to the difference between the selection of leaders in the mainland and Taiwan?

Isn't it true that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to one China? If so, both should share the same "national situation." Nevertheless, the small Taiwan enjoys its vigorous election campaign, while the great mainland continues its practice of keeping secrets. Those who advocate one "national situation" and justify it by saying it represents "Chinese characteristics" should be ashamed about this.

--

(Yu Chengyu is a retired scholar and former teacher of Marxist theory. He is a former vice principle of the Party School of Fengcheng County in Liaoning province, and former director of the Philosophy Academy of Dandong city. This article is edited and translated from the Chinese by UPI Asia Online; the original can be found at www.ncn.org. ©Copyright Yu Chengyu.)