FU GUOYONG
HANGZHOU, Jul. 25
http://www.upiasiaonline.com
Last week, on July 15, Taiwan marked the 20th anniversary of the lifting of martial law. On that day, the elderly President Chiang Ching-kuo declared an end to the 38-year martial law era initiated by his father, President Chiang Kai-shek.
During those years, the Taiwan Garrison Command had the right to enter people's homes to check their household registry; to inspect books, newspapers and magazines; to stop public parades, strikes and assemblies; to ban associations; to restrict citizens' entry and departure from the country; to open, read or confiscate citizens' personal letters and telegrams; and even to try citizens in military courts. The people were deprived of most of their basic Constitutional rights during the martial law period.
Actually, the rescinding of martial law did not come all of a sudden. On Sept. 28, 1986, the Democratic Progressive Party was set up at the Grand Hotel in Taipei, which was without doubt a frontal challenge to the authority of the Kuomintang's one-party rule.
According to the ruling party's logic and practice up to that time, the DPP should have been banned immediately. It was less than seven years after the Kaohsiung Incident -- also known as the Formosa Incident -- in which pro-democracy demonstrations were put down by police and their leaders jailed. Many of the opposition's elite, who had been tried in military courts, were still languishing in jail. The political atmosphere was tense.
Yet surprisingly, after thorough consideration, Chiang decided to adopt a policy of tolerance toward the newborn DPP -- not to acknowledge it, but not to crack down on it either, as he could have done under martial law. Chiang said at a high-level party conference: "The times are changing, the environment is changing and the trends are changing. Therefore the ruling party needs new ideas and new approaches. We need to adopt reforms based on democratic constitutionalism."
Chiang's decision brought more benefit than harm. Domestically it won the support of the people, eased social conflicts, and shifted the ruling authority from a passive position to one of taking initiative. Externally, it complied with international trends and improved the government's image in the world. As a result, Chiang took the initiative in bringing about political reform and changing history. A new era began.
For the DPP, this was not a free lunch either -- it was the result of effort over a period of 20 to 30 years, while its founders were criticizing current policies, calling for democracy and campaigning for local public service positions without the support of a party. They formed political associations, such as the Non-Party Editors and Writers Fellowship and the Non-Party Public Officials' Policy Research Association.
This could be viewed as a historical moment in which a political leader interacted positively with civil society, with a win-win result.
Some say the reason for Chiang's mild attitude toward the DPP was that he thought the cost of suppression might be greater than that of tolerance, which does make some sense. His leadership was in crisis due to frequent scandals. For example, in 1984, Chiang Nan, author of the "Biography of Chiang Ching-kuo," was assassinated in the United States by Taiwanese intelligence agents. In 1985, there was the Tenth Taipei Credit Cooperative incident, in which government officials colluded with business people to cheat thousands of depositors. The exposure of these incidents severely damaged Taiwan's international image.
At the same time, Taiwan was attracting world attention as its economic reforms gained momentum. Under such pressure, Chiang was seeking ways to accelerate political reform.
In fact, before the Kaohsiung Incident, Chiang had specially arranged communications with political forces outside the KMT. In addition, in a 1993 interview with a reporter from West Germany, he first affirmed the positive role the non-party movement had played in bringing about social progress. In September 1986, Chiang told U.S. reporters that the KMT was considering lifting the ban on political parties. Chiang was sending positive signals to the opposition even before the birth of the DPP.
Another undeniable factor contributed to Chiang Ching-kuo's actions -- his personal sincerity and courage. A strong sense of historical mission and responsibility gave him the courage to shape history. Stricken by illness, he knew he didn't have much time left, and he wanted to establish a positive political legacy. He wanted to create the space for a peaceful transition to new leadership, and to leave the Taiwanese people a legacy of not only economic prosperity, but also political freedoms. This shows Chiang's wisdom and practicality. The grand job he did in his final moment won him a place in history as a respected statesman. He also helped the Taiwanese fulfill their wishes after suffering so much in the past.
Twenty years after the end of martial law -- despite its problems and no matter what people think of the island's democracy -- Taiwan is an open, multidimensional society with abundant vitality. This is undoubtedly the result of the efforts and sacrifices of those who held different political views for over half a century. However, it could not have happened without Chiang Ching-kuo's foresight and resolution. Without him, Taiwan today might be a completely different picture. After all, history is created by individuals.
What would mainland China be like if it had a bold leader like this?
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(Fu Guoyong is a freelance writer and a former high school teacher. His articles on modern China have been widely published within and outside the country. His special interest is the history of public opinion over the past 100 years and issues related to China's intellectuals. This article is edited and translated from the Chinese by UPI Asia Online. The original may be found at www.ncn.org. cCopyright Fu Guoyong.)
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